‘BJP has fallen prey to politician-entrepreneurs’

PRITHVI DATTA CHANDRA SHOBHI writes: The protracted and acrimonious power tussle in Bangalore, quite reminiscent of several episodes in recent years, demolishes Bharatiya Janata Party’s claim to be a party with a difference.

In fact, after taking office 38 months ago, the Yediyurappa government, has hurtled from one crisis to another – be it due to internal dissidence, scandals of abuse of power and corruption involving BJP politicians, repeated episodes of the infamous ‘Operation Kamala’ to bring opposition party MLAs into BJP and the efforts by the opposition parties to destabilize BJP and remove it from power – leaving no time for governing.

Any wonder Yediyurappa famously said any other person in his position would have gone mad?

Political analysts have thus far tended to see this as a failure of leadership and have often blamed B.S. Yediyurappa for his failings. There is some truth to this charge.

While Yediyurappa has been the key figure in BJP’s rise to power, his character flaws have also been obvious.

His street fighter instincts as well as perpetual campaign mode have been advantageous for BJP, the political party, but the same personality appears ill suited to handle the rigors of governance. He is short tempered, doesn’t listen to advice or contrarian perspectives, and is rarely challenged, especially on policy within his party.

Further, he seems to exist within a bubble, believes in his own rhetorical hubris of development and is very intolerant of opposition, which is surprising given that Yediyurappa spent many decades in opposition benches.

By all accounts, he wasn’t detail oriented and didn’t have the stamina or the patience to fulfill the innumerable tall promises he makes to all and sundry, everyday.

His well documented nepotism and authoritarian tendencies have not only alienated his own party men but far more significantly show a lack of understanding of how discretionary power should be used.

Yet, even if he had been a nicer person, more efficient administrator and accommodating leader, Yeddyurappa, and indeed the state of Karnataka, couldn’t have escaped from the current predicament – scandals and abuse of power, the loss to exchequer from mining, and widespread corruption.

Therefore, this personality oriented analysis misses the structural transformations that have taken place in Karnataka politics, leading to a fundamental change in the political culture of the state.


At the heart of this change is the emergence of a new politician – brash and covetous, with no inhibitions on the use of public policy as an instrument of personal profit.

He is rarely guided by any notion of public good – even one based on narrow considerations of religion or caste; rather business interests seem to motivate this politician-entrepreneur.

Despite Yediyurappa’s rhetoric about development, or for that matter the populism of his predecessor H. D. Kumaraswamy state policy has rarely had any notion of public good as its guiding principle in the Oughts.

On the contrary, there has been a substantial convergence of business and politics, a paradigmatic shift that not only explains the birth of this new politician-entrepreneur but also shows corruption to be a new form of activity that resides in his persona.

Note that caste and class backgrounds have been quite remarkably insignificant in his rise.

The principal focus of politician-entrepreneur’s business activity has been mining and real estate, the two land-based business ventures. Note that both require access to political power, in order to change or to seek exemption from or violate regulatory mechanisms.

Bangalore and Bellary have been the epicentres of this process.

As a significant beneficiary of globalization and ever expanding IT industry, Bangalore has grown leading to unreal profits for those engaged in real estate ventures. However, Bellary’s dramatic transformation, economically and ecologically, has made the Bangalore story seem less significant although similar processes are taking place in both places.

Bellary has been the harbinger of change not simply for the exploitation of mineral wealth and destruction of environment but for the new political culture that has taken root in Karnataka. It burst into national consciousness when Sonia Gandhi contested for Loksabha in 1999.

Ironically, it also marked the dramatic rise of Gali Janardhan Reddy, who managed the BJP campaign for Sushma Swaraj, Gandhi’s opponent in that election. Even though he ended up on the losing side, Reddy and his cohort filled the political vacuum in Bellary BJP and effectively challenged the hegemony of Congress.

Reddy took to mining, where the increasing global demand for iron ore, brought in unexpected riches, which were quickly ploughed back into electoral politics. Political analysts attribute BJP’s remarkable electoral success in this region in 2004 elections to outspending opponents by five to as many as ten times.

Four years later, Bellary repeated everywhere.

Janardhan Reddy is the prime example of this new politician-entrepreneur model. We estimate that there are at present at least 22 MLAs with substantial interest in mining related businesses and another 18 MLAs in real estate.

In addition to this, there are at least 40 MLAs with significant investments in real estate, hospitality, healthcare, education and agro-businesses. Thus more than one third of Karnataka Assembly today consists of what I have called here as politician-entrepreneur class.

Beyond the numbers what is significant is how they see themselves.

Consider Janardhan Reddy himself. Proposing a Rs. 30,000 crore project, as he did at the 2010 Global Investors Meet, isn’t beyond the realm of possibility. His proximity to power ensured he received the necessary permissions as well as land and water allotments very quickly.

It is reported that liquidity crunch has forced him to sell his company but the very audacity of such a proposal is striking. The new politician-entrepreneur thinks nothing of the financial requirement, managerial as well as technical skills necessary to run a massive business venture.


More than any other party, BJP has been open to this new politician-entrepreneur.

While a definitive account of BJP’s ascendance to political prominence is yet to be written, it is quite clear that BJP’s rise to power hasn’t come from the use of religion in politics, as pundits had anticipated.

Rather, under Yediyurappa’s leadership, BJP recognized the political zeitgeist (spirit) of the age and succeeded in integrating this new politician-entrepreneur into the structure of the older Sangh parivar activist based party.

Yediyurappa’s singular achievement has been to manage this transition in the short term, despite tremendous upheavals within the party.

He also shrewdly recognized that these new additions substantially expand the social base of the party, as they come from different under represented backward communities, and has created very effective local social (read caste) alliances by combining the traditional supporters of Sangh Parivar with these new comers.

His own Lingayat credentials have been a huge help in this process and perhaps, this is what makes him indispensible for BJP even today.

While the BJP national leadership doesn’t agree with this assessment, Yediyurappa himself relentlessly makes this point and so do his supporters. Even his opponents concede, especially in private, that if elections are held today Yediyurappa will comfortably lead his party back to power.

If my first proposition to explain politics in Karnataka today focused on the convergence of politics and business – and the consequent emergence of the politician-entrepreneur – we also need to recognize that no politician will survive in public life if his sole purpose is private profit.

Therefore, my second proposition notes the rise of a new form of populism as the relationship of the politician with his constituents too changes.

I have closely followed Karnataka politics for nearly three decades now, studying the personalities of politicians, their motivations and aspirations.

What I found surprising about the recent changes is how quickly the politician has become a benevolent royal patron, feeding hundreds – even thousands in some cases – of people everyday, distributing cash to people who need money for hospital expenses, for school fees, or funerals; some legislators have even posted a chart in their houses.

This is the kind of benevolence usually associated with an ideal king and I have noticed politicians frequently using royal metaphors to describe their largesse. While politicians in the past may have helped their constituents in this manner, the scale of this operation and the centrality to politics is new.

Hence at the core of this new populism (and of politician-constituent relationship) is personal loyalty.

What the politician delivers isn’t simply services that the state offers but largesse from personal fortune to meet with the everyday contingencies of his constituent.

Even building a political base is a project in cultivating personal loyalty: it might mean distributing thousands of sewing machines to women or sending thousands on pilgrimages to temples allover South India or distributing money to celebrate the birthdays of Basavanna and Ambedkar.

The constituent too seems to be fine with accepting these gifts, which he sees as redistribution of illegally gotten wealth from real estate and mining. You only have to watch Kannada news television channels for a few hours on any given day to find enough evidence.

Politics has become an expensive proposition and many old timers stay away from their constituencies unable to distribute such largesse.

In noting the transformations, I am not suggesting that the older political projects – to achieve social justice or equitable economic development are completely dead. But the space available for such is collective projects is shrinking and the prospects for building new ones are quite bleak.

Will replacing Yediyurappa or even the fall of BJP government in the forthcoming elections might change this new reality? Will a robust Lok Ayukta (ombudsman) institution or an activist, vigilant Supreme Court make a difference?

Possibly not.

While some sources of income, such as illegal mining, can closed, the new political dynamic is fairly well entrenched. Karnataka isn’t unique in this regard and similar trends are seen in other parts of the country as well.


Prithvi Datta Chandra Shobhi is on the faculty of San Francisco State University, specialising in medieval South India, and the cultural politics of contemporary South Asia.

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21 Responses to “‘BJP has fallen prey to politician-entrepreneurs’”

  1. Thyampanna Shettru Says:

    Excellent observations!!!I fully concur with the writers analysis. This has reenforced my belief that TULUNADU (currently known as Dakshina Kannada) should separate from CORRUPT karnataka and adopt English as the primary language with TULU given equal status. (Tulu does not have a script currently, therefore it is necessary to make English as primary)

  2. Adithya Says:

    This sort of convergence of entrepreneurs and politicians is not predominant in BJP only. One should not see too much of a conflict of interest as long as the political promises are kept.

    After all, nobody can envisage a future with merely the paltry money given by the government.

    Good article.

  3. Nastika Says:

    @Thyampanna Shettru, folks in ತುಳುನಾಡು are corrupt too. How is it going to be they different from ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ?

  4. larsqwe Says:

    @ Thyampanna Shettru.

    Shettre, even so called innocent and cultured D.K. is a player in this drama. Evidence: V.S. Acharya, Rama Sene, Muthalik.

    Brahmin rich Mangalore-Udupi region has become a bastion of RSS activity with Udupi Mutt being the Nerve Center.

    These Saraswat Mutt are hand in gloves with the N.K. Lingayat Mutt.

    Sorry, guess you forgot to see the mess in your won backyard.

  5. Shetty Says:


  6. Faldo Says:

    Nice article with some great analysis by PDCS. While these observations apply to Karnataka in particular, they are relevant for the country as a whole. With the change in the economy over the past decade or so, a new breed of politicians who use the instruments of the state to further their own interests or to facilitate it for others, have come into prominence. Though there is a large outcry in the media over their acts, a significant section of the people seems to overlook such behavior especially if they have a stake in the economic activities that these politicians are part of. That could explain their electoral success, in spite of behavior that is questionable.

    One wonders if this is part of a process of churning that democratic societies go through whenever the economy takes an upward spiral. At the beginning of the 1900s, American society was led by so called robber barons who influenced the polity greatly. Several of these businessmen also directly served in the government. Many of them eventually gained respectability and their work is credited with making US a leading economy.

  7. chriskb Says:

    This article conveniently, perhaps deliberately, ignores roles of Ananta Kumar and Sushma Swaraj in Karnataka politics in using Reddy brothers for creating troubles for Yeddyurappa and eventual down fall. How can BJP consider these manipulative crooks (Anantha Kumar and Sushma Swaraj) as national leaders?

  8. Kumar Says:

    Using money to win in elections (whether the money is illegal or legal or from mining or anything else doesn’t matter) is the root cause of all this.
    This is the kind of electoral politics that is been there for decades.
    Now, the BJP and Reddy brothers used it for their advantage to win elections.
    Why we didn’t raise these kind of questions when Congress or JD used the same tactics to win elections before.
    In the same Bellary, while BJP was insignificant, Diwakar Babu won the elections on money power.
    Before he came to politics, it was Basawarajeshwari and the Mandlur family which was using the money power.
    But, nobody raised any objections then – why?

    Unless the electoral system is changed, this kind of money use (or abuse) can’t be stopped.

  9. Pattu Says:

    Very good ! Gives an insight to common people like me.

  10. twistleton Says:

    YES! The political-enterpreneur has indeed risen.

    Great article.

    Largesse also means that the process of developing and improving governance strategies is dying a slow death. Now it is all just calculations about who will get what.

    There is also a dilution of whatever little progress we had made in democratic governance. Now we are back to a period of principalities and patronage. This will define how we use our resources. From autocracy to meritocracy and back… seems we can’t move in any other direction.

    People who predicted that the coming age would be one of ‘developmental politics’ may not quite have been expecting this. :)

  11. karihaida Says:

    Wow such great insights on this article.. ;)

    At beginning of 1900s? You seem to be out of touch with whats going on in the rest of the world.

  12. Faldo Says:

    @karihaida – that might be so and I agree it is a dated example, but I just wanted to point out that society is getting used to this breed of politicians enough to overlook some of their moral trangressions.

  13. Thyampanna Shettru Says:

    @larsqwe anna

    With due respects.

    Brahmins in TULUNADU are there to serve us, not to rule over us, unlike other parts of karnataka. the communual things that have happened and are happening are results of political games played by corrupt kannadiga politicians. We, Bunts have ruled Tulunadu for centuries and know how to keep things in their perceptive. We don’t require kannadigas to show us how to conduct business.

  14. RowdyRanga Says:

    @Thyampanna Shettru

    Innu beda bhava bittilve…karanataka has to be divided into Tulunadu,Kodva nadu, north karnataka and south of course.belgaum being given to maharashtra… kasargod is already with kerala. looks like we are moving in the right direction.

  15. larsqwe Says:

    @Thyampanna Shettru,

    Shettre, if Bunts want a separate state, why are you in Mumbai and Bangalore.

    As far as Bunts ruling Tulunadu,ask any non Bunt, non- brahmin for true stories. Tall and heavy bodied bunt men were practically thugs in the D.K. countryside. Muthappa Rai was one such product. Infact, far a long time non-Bunts had stopped marrying beautiful girls because of their menace. This changed only after Sundaram Shetty started Vijaya Bank and emptied the countryside of young and brash bunt men.

    Another fact, whole of D.K. is not Bunt. Bunts are majority only in Mangalore/Kundapura/Moodabidri. In rest of D.K. their numbers are sizable but not major.

    Look at Bunt Jains like Veerendra Hedge of Dharmasthala. Despite being super-rich, Belthangadi taluk is highly undeveloped. There, nobody can contest even village panchayat election without their blessings. So much for keeping things in perspective.

    And about Bunt hotel businesses in Mumbai lesser said the better. Its no longer a secret that flesh trade was what made them so rich in such a small gap of time.

    And for some geography lesson, Bunt-rich places like Kundapura re in Udupi district not D.K. And D.K. again is not exclusively Bunt. Mangalore also has Billavas and Mogaviras.

  16. 'mudi'malnad Says:

    Suresh Kalmadi, Ramanatha Rai, Late Jeevaraj Alva, Janardhana poojary, Dhananjaya kumar, manorama madhwaraj, sadhu and sharadh shetty……
    I forgot where they are from, if you know please let me know!

  17. K.Balasubrahmanyan Says:

    what a pity? such blatant misuse of power and aggrandizement, and we are helpless.These criminals will be also MLAs and ministers in perpetuity. Hindu law of karma, heart attacks,helicopter crashes, cancer are the only hope. bala

  18. HONNUR Says:

    You’re right and how about adding a few more names to the list- Dr Kalladka, Shobha, Puranik, Palemar, Nagaraj shetty, Nalin Kumar….

  19. vasant Says:

    ದೆಹಲಿಯೇ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿಗೆ ಬಂತು ಮತ್ತು ಅದೇ ಸರಿಯಾದದ್ದು !

    ಕಳೆದ ಒಂದು ವಾರದಿಂದ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆದಿರೋ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಬಿಕ್ಕಟ್ಟು ಇನ್ನೇನು ಮುಗಿಬಹುದು ಅನ್ನೋ ಹಂತಕ್ಕೆ ಬಂದಿದೆ. ಕಳೆದ ಒಂದು ವಾರದಿಂದ ನಡೆದಿರೋ ವಿದ್ಯಮಾನವನ್ನು ಗಮನಿಸಿದರೆ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಒಂದು ದೊಡ್ಡ ಬದಲಾವಣೆಯ ಘಟ್ಟದಲ್ಲಿದೆ ಅನ್ನಬಹುದು. ಯಾಕೆ ಹಾಗಂದೆ ಅಂತ ಕೇಳಿದ್ರೆ ನನ್ನ ಅನಿಸಿಕೆ ಇಂತಿದೆ:

    ದೆಹಲಿಯೇ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿಗೆ ಬಂತು ಮತ್ತು ಅದೇ ಸರಿಯಾದದ್ದು !
    ಕಳೆದ 60 ವರ್ಷದಿಂದಲೂ ನಾವು ನೋಡಿರುವುದು ಏನೆಂದರೆ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ನಾಯಕರು ಒಂದು ಸಣ್ಣ ವಿಷಯಕ್ಕೂ ದೆಹಲಿಗೆ ಹೋಗಿ ಅಲ್ಲಿನ ದೊರೆಗಳ ಮುಂದೆ ಕೈ ಕಟ್ಟಿಕೊಂಡು ನಿಂತು, “ಅಪ್ಪಣೆ ಮಹಾಪ್ರಭು” ಅಂತ ನಿಂತುಕೊಳ್ಳೊರು. ಅವರು ಕೊಟ್ಟ ಆಜ್ಞೆನಾ ಪ್ರಸಾದ ಅಂಬಂತೆ ಕಣ್ಣಿಗೊತ್ತಿಕೊಂಡು ವಾಪಸ್ ಬರೋರು. “ನಮ್ದು ನ್ಯಾಶನಲ್ ಪಾರ್ಟಿ ರೀ, ನಾವು ಶಿಸ್ತಿನ ಸಿಪಾಯಿಗಳು ರೀ,,ಹೈಕಮಾಂಡ್ ಮಾಡಿದ ಆಜ್ಞೆ ನಾವ್ ಮೀರುವುದುಂಟೇನು” ಎಂದು ತಮ್ಮ ಗುಲಾಮಗಿರಿಯನ್ನೇ ಖುಷಿಯಾಗಿ ಸಮರ್ಥಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳೊರು. ಆದರೆ ಮೊಟ್ಟ ಮೊದಲ ಬಾರಿಗೆ ದೆಹಲಿಯ ಮೂರು ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ನಿವೃತ್ತ ನಾಯಕರಿಗೆ ಸೆಡ್ಡು ಹೊಡೆದು ದೆಹಲಿಯೇ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿಗೆ ಬರುವಂತೆ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದು, ಎರಡು ದಿನವಾದರೂ ಅವರಿಗೆ toughest ಫೈಟ್ ಕೊಟ್ಟಿದ್ದು, ಒಕ್ಕೂಟ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಜ್ಯದಿಂದ ಕೇಂದ್ರವಿರಬೇಕು, ಬಾಟಮ್ ಅಪ್ ಆಪ್ರೋಚ್ ಇರಬೇಕು ಅನ್ನುವ ಸಂದೇಶವನ್ನು ಕೊಟ್ಟ ಕಾರಣಕ್ಕೆ ಯಡಿಯೂರಪ್ಪನವರನ್ನು ಮೆಚ್ಚದಿರಲು ಆಗದು.

    ಪ್ರಜಾತಂತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ಹೈಕಮಾಂಡ್ ಅನ್ನೋದೇ ತಪ್ಪು
    ಪ್ರಜಾತಂತ್ರವಿರುವುದು ಜನರಿಂದ ಜನರಿಗಾಗಿ. ಜನರು ಆರಿಸಿ ಕಳಿಸಿದ ನಾಯಕರು ರಾಜ್ಯವಾಳಬೇಕು. ಅವರಲ್ಲಿ ಏನೇ ಭಿನ್ನಾಭಿಪ್ರಾಯವಿದ್ದರೂ ಕೂತು ಮಾತನಾಡಿ ಬಗೆಹರಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲಿ. ಇದೇನಿದು ಹೈಕಮಾಂಡ್ ಅನ್ನೋದು? ಅಸಲಿಗೆ, ಕಮಾಂಡ್ ಅನ್ನೋದೆ ಪ್ರಜಾತಂತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ತಪ್ಪು. ಪಾಳೆಗಾರನಂತೆ ಕಮಾಂಡ್ ಮಾಡ್ತಿನಿ ಅನ್ನೋದು ಯಾವ ಸೀಮೆ ಜನತಂತ್ರ? ಬಂದ ಸೋ ಕಾಲ್ಡ್ ವರಿಷ್ಟರು facilitators ಆಗಬೇಕು, messengers ಆಗಬೇಕು. ಅದು ಬಿಟ್ಟು ಇಂತವರೇ ಸಿ.ಎಮ್ ಆಗಬೇಕು ಅಂತ ನಿರ್ಧಾರ ಮಾಡ್ಕೊಂಡು ಬಂದು ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಹೇರಲು ಹೊರಟರೆ ಅದು ಪ್ರಜಾತಂತ್ರವಾಗುತ್ತ? ಅಂತಹ ದೊಣ್ಣೆ ನಾಯಕರಿಗೆ ಮೊಟ್ಟ ಮೊದಲ ಬಾರಿಗೆ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದಲ್ಲಿ ಸರಿಯಾದ್ದೊಂದು ಮುಟ್ಟಿ ನೋಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವಂತ ಫೈಟ್ ಕೊಟ್ಟಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಅಂತಲೇ ಅನ್ನಬಹುದು. ಒಂದಿಡಿ ದಿನ ಎಲ್ಲ ನ್ಯಾಶನಲ್ ಮಾಧ್ಯಮದಲ್ಲೂ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ಸುದ್ದಿ ಆವರಿಸಿಕೊಂಡದ್ದು ನೋಡಿದರೆ ಈ ಮಟ್ಟಿಗೆ ಕನ್ನಡಿಗನೊಬ್ಬ ಫೈಟ್ ಕೊಟ್ನಲ್ಲ ಅನ್ನೋದೇ ನನಗೆ ಸಂತಸದ, ಸೋಜಿಗದ ಸಂಗತಿಯಾಗಿ ಕಾಣೋದು.

    ನ್ಯಾಶನಲ್ ಲೀಡರ್ಸ್ ಅಂದ್ರೆ ದೇವರಾ?
    ನ್ಯಾಶನಲ್ ಲೀಡರ್ಸ್ ಅಂದ ಕೂಡಲೇ “Paragon of Virtue” ಅನ್ನೋ ರೀತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ನೈತಿಕತೆಯ ಚಾಂಪಿಯನ್ಸ್ ಅನ್ನೋ ರೀತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅವರನ್ನು ಟ್ರೀಟ್ ಮಾಡುವ, ಅವರು ಹೇಳಿದ್ದೆಲ್ಲ ಸರಿ ಅನ್ನುವ ಗುಲಾಮಗಿರಿಯ ಮನಸ್ಥಿತಿ ನಮ್ಮಲ್ಲಿ ಹಲವು ನಾಯಕರಿಗಿದೆ. ಈಗ ನೈತಿಕತೆಯ ಎಳೆ ಹಿಡಿದು ರಾಜಿನಾಮೆ ಕೇಳಲು ಬಂದಿದ್ದಾರೆಂದು ನನಗಂತೂ ಅನ್ನಿಸಿಲ್ಲ. ಸಂಸತ್ತಿನ ಮಾನ್ಸುನ್ ಅಧಿವೇಶನದಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಅನ್ನು ಹಣಿಯಲು ಹೊರಡುವ ಮುನ್ನ ಇವರಿಗೆ ತಾವು ಕೊಂಚ ಕ್ಲೀನ್ ಅನ್ನಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕಿತ್ತು. ಅದಕ್ಕೆ ಆರೋಪ ಕೇಳಿದ ತಕ್ಷಣ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಗಳ ರಾಜಿನಾಮೆ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳುವ ನಾಟಕ. ಅದಿಲ್ಲದಿದ್ದರೆ, ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ಲೋಕಾಯುಕ್ತರು ಈ ಮೊದಲು ಆರೋಪ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದರು, ತಮ್ಮ ಮಧ್ಯಂತರ ವರದಿಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಯಾವುದೇ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಂಡಿಲ್ಲ ಎಂದೂ ದೂರಿದ್ದರು, ಆಗೆಲ್ಲ ನ್ಯಾಶನಲ್ ಲೀಡರ್ಸ್ ನಿದ್ದೆ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೆ? ನ್ಯಾಶನಲ್ ಲೀಡರ್ಸ್ ಅಂದ್ರೆ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಜವಾಬ್ದಾರಿ ಇರೋರು, ನೈತಿಕತೆ ಉಳ್ಳವರು ಅನ್ನೋದೆಲ್ಲ ಕಟ್ಟು ಕತೆ. ನೈತಿಕತೆ, ಜವಾಬ್ದಾರಿಯುತ ನಡವಳಿಕೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಾದೇಶಿಕ ಪಕ್ಷಗಳು ಕೆಳಗೆ, ತಾವು ಮೇಲೆ ಅಂತ ತೋರಿಸಲು ಈ ಪೊಳ್ಳು ವಾದ ಬಳಸೋದೇ ಹೊರತು ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ಹೆಚ್ಚಿನ ಬೆಲೆಯೇನು ಕೊಡಬೇಕಿಲ್ಲ.

    ಯಡಿಯೂರಪ್ಪನವರು ಈಗ ತೋರಿದ ಧೈರ್ಯವನ್ನೇ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಹೈಕಮಾಂಡ್ ನ ಭೇಟಿ ಆಗೋಕೆ ಒಂದು ವಾರ ಕಾಯೋ ನಮ್ಮ ಸಿದ್ಧರಾಮಯ್ಯನಂತವರು ತೋರಿದ್ರೆ, ನಿಧಾನಕ್ಕಾದ್ರೂ ಸರಿ ಈ ಹೈಕಮಾಂಡ್ ನ ಕಮಾಂಡ್ ಸಂಸ್ಕೃತಿಯ ಬಿಗಿ ಪಟ್ಟಿನಿಂದ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಆಚೆ ಬರುತ್ತೆನೋ. ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿಂದ ದೆಹಲಿ ಇರಬೇಕೇ ಹೊರತು ದೆಹಲಿಯಿಂದ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಲ್ಲ ಅನ್ನೋ ಬದಲಾವಣೆ ಇನ್ನಾದ್ರೂ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ರಾಜಕೀಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಬರಲಿ.

  20. suresh Says:

    Wishing for a separate state as the ultimate remedy for all the problems created by dirty politicians is like a couple wanting to break away from a joint family and dreaming that their independent life would be paradise.

    It is purely ‘swaartha’ and ‘lobha’ of some people that is wreacking havoc. When will people like tshettru see that truth – by caste Jagadish shettar and Yeddy both are Lingayats but that did not make them friends!
    A person blinded by swaartha and lobha will not show concerns or pity when choosing his victims. “hulige tanna kaaDadarenu parara kaaDadarenu?” – a tiger won’t hesitate to hunt down a prey just because the prey belongs to the its own forest.

  21. Vijay Says:

    Nothing new in this analysis of Shobhi. This has been the political landscape since early 1960s in Karnataka and the rest of India. The only novel aspect is BJP is in power, and the its earlier incarnation Jansangh was then a party with no handle on power.
    India and corruption are inseparable.

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